Two-tier nonsense on political policing

There is no two-tier policing against the right

The inappropriately named James Cleverly MP, shadow communities secretary, said the swift acquittal of former Labour councillor Ricky Jones for violent disorder was “unacceptable” and “perverse”.

During the racist riots last summer, Jones was charged following the Walthamstow anti-racist protest. He said, “They are disgusting Nazi fascists. We need to cut all their throats and get rid of them all.”

Fellow Tory, shadow home secretary, Chris Philp, complained it is “the development of two-tier justice”. “It is astonishing that Jones, who was caught on video calling for throats to be slit, is let off scot free—whereas Lucy Connolly got 31 months prison for posting something no worse,” he said.

Reform UK leader Nigel Farage posted, “This is another outrageous example of two-tier justice.”

In their vitriol, the right failed to notice that Connolly had pleaded guilty. If their argument is that those who plead guilty to criminal offences should be treated the same as those who are found not guilty, no one can help them.

The phrase “two-tier policing” was promoted last year, following the sentencing of racist rioters. It alleges that police are more heavy handed with people on the right than those on the left.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

Two secret decisions mark the political character of public order policing in the last 60 years. In 1968, a Special Demonstration Squad (SDS) was established to infiltrate and spy on protesters. The SDS were so obsessed with the left, they ended up forming sexual relationships and even fathering children whilst pretending to be police officers.

The Undercover Policing Inquiry has found that 1,000 predominantly left-wing organisations were spied on. The Socialist Workers Party was given particular attention.

In the 1970s the police took a high-level decision not to place undercover officers in far-right groups because they were “too violent”. During that time, police killed two anti-fascists on demonstrations. Student Kevin Gately at Red Lion Square in 1974 and SWP teacher Blair Peach, at Southall in 1979.

In 1983, Tory home secretary Willie Whitelaw bestowed upon the police paramilitary powers for policing public order.

Parliament were none the wiser. In our book Charged—How the Police Try and Suppress Protest, Morag Livingstone and I investigate who the paramilitary manual has been used against protesters. You may not be surprised to hear that none of the protests involved the far right.

Turning cops into an army ready to make war on the poor

  Read More

Instead these brutal tactics were employed as follows. Land Rovers driven at print workers at Warrington, horse charges and snatch squads battering miners at Orgreave, van charges at poll tax protesters, horse charges on anti-racists at Welling in 1993 and students opposing tuition fees in 2010.

Protesters on the left have consistently faced disproportionate charges of violent disorder, dawn raids, and their photos being plastered in the press or social media. Today, mainly elderly peaceful campaigners opposing the ban of Palestine Action are treated as terrorists.

It appears the far right have often been treated with kid gloves.

In the wake of the 2015 Rotherham child sexual exploitation scandal, the police facilitated 14 English Defence League (EDL) marches through the town centre. Police also argued for the local Asian community to stay home.

The atmosphere was so toxic that while walking to prayers, two racists murdered local imam Mushin Ahmed.

To counter the next EDL protest, the Asian community marched in solidarity. As they dispersed, they were confronted by a group of racists that the police had failed to prevent getting through police lines.

The community fought back. Disgracefully, 12 Asians were charged with violent disorder. Thankfully the Rotherham 12 were acquitted—by an all-white jury. A subsequent trial with a separate jury convicted four of the far right.

The Tories and Reform UK may not like jury decisions. But a jury understanding the full context of racism can protect us from the two-tier police that fails to police the “too violent” far right.