Protesters in Sudan marked Eid last weekend among the barricades at sit-ins in the capital Khartoum and Omdurman.
The mobilisations have continued in the face of coup leader General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s ruse. He claimed the military would make way for a civilian government last week, and “not participate” in talks facilitated by the United Nations and regional governmental bodies.
Mukhtar Atif, a member of the Bahri resistance committee at the sit-in in the north of Khartoum, slammed the army’s manoeuvres. “We think the statement from the army is just a political process and a play with words,” he said. “When we say we want them to return to barracks, it’s not just about them leaving politics.”
Mukhtar said it was also about “making sure they don’t have access to wealth that should be going to government coffers”.
Another protester at the Bahri sit-in, Waad Mohammad, added, “We want to end the military rule because a lot of people are suffering. Since they took charge three years ago nothing has changed. Even with the army saying it’s withdrawing from talks there’s been no justice for the protesters killed—so we’re not going anywhere.”
Burhan hopes to strengthen the army’s position through a Supreme Council of the Armed Forces so it can control any government that comes out of the talks.
The resistance committees, which are organising the protests, are local democratic structures that bring together activists. But they need to grow into more than protest bodies and become the basis of an alternative government to Sudan’s rulers. And this has to be linked to more workers’ strikes.
The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the notorious Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia are major economic players in the country. Taking them on—and the whole machinery of exploitation and state violence in Sudan—requires a fight to wrest political and economic power from all those at the top.
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