A new wave of mass mobilisations has been on the rise for many weeks in Algeria, and over the past three months in Sudan. It proves that the structural political and economic problems of the regimes will continue to spark mass resistance from below.
For many years the dictatorships and counter-revolutionary forces across the region have striven not to defeat the Arab Spring of 2011-2013. They have also sought to consolidate a bleak ideological picture of revolution as a political choice, presenting it as bringing only misery to the masses and leading inevitably towards defeat.
But the return of the masses to the political scene in Sudan and Algeria confirms that revolution will remain a political choice for the people. In fact, it is the only solution which can overcome the problem of regimes which cannot be reformed. In Algeria, Bouteflika is the public face of corrupt networks of generals and big businessmen, while in Sudan El Bashir heads a bloodstained regime pursuing tough austerity policies on the orders of the International Monetary Fund.
At the same time as the Sudanese and Algerians are rising, a strong protest movement is developing in Morocco, with participation of professionals and trade unionists. Meanwhile Tunisia is witnessing major workers’ strikes. And in Lebanon there have been mass protests against deteriorating living conditions.
Even in Jordan, last June a mass movement forced the King to reverse the government’s economic decisions, and before that we saw the Great Return marches in Palestine. Meanwhile growing popular anger in Egypt and other countries means the situation is increasingly volatile for those at the top.
Despite the defeats it has suffered, the memory of the region’s revolutions remains inspiring, offering lessons and experiences. The spectre of revolution still haunts the region’s tyrants. If the uprisings in Sudan and Algeria achieve significant victories in the near future, waves of hope and confidence will spread across the region.
The uprisings in Sudan and Algeria erupted for more profound reasons than the slogans which the news coverage attributes to them.
In Sudan, the spark was the regime’s decision to triple the price of bread. However, after the beginning of the uprising on 19 December, widespread public discontent quickly turned into calls for the downfall of the regime. The people declared there was no room for compromise or negotiation with El Bashir’s bloody regime, which has impoverished them for three decades. “Just go now”, they demanded.
In Algeria the slogans and demands rapidly broadened from rejection of Bouteflika’s fifth presidential term to social demands including ending the unemployment crisi). On top of this are protests against high prices and the spread of poverty and corruption—a quarter of the population lives under the poverty line. The movement has continued to call for the “downfall of the regime”.
The broadening of the mass movement in both countries allowed shifts from the economic to the political—from the price of bread to the fall of the regime in Sudan. It also allows shifts from the political to the economic—from rejecting the fifth term to social demands in Algeria.
The breadth of the movement has led to open war on the political front, as well as on the economic and social front. This is what is most terrifying for the dictatorships.
One of the principal tasks of the two uprisings is to fully integrate struggles on the political and economic fronts, to move towards the overthrow of the system as a whole.
The uprisings Sudan and Algeria are escalating, despite a combination of direct repression, blackmail, distortion and deceptive concessions.
Since the eruption of the uprising El Bashir has accused “foreign parties” of stirring up protests. He has also warned demonstrators of colluding with the “conspiracy”, pointing to the economic sanctions imposed on Sudan in order to blackmail the revolutionaries.
El Bashir has also made deceptive concessions, such as calling on parliament to reverse measures to extend his time in office while simultaneously imposing a state of emergency. On the same night—22 February—thousands responded by marching in more than 80 rallies in different Sudanese cities.
Demonstrations and strikes are continuing on a daily basis across the country. The uprising has broken the myth of power which the Sudanese regime has been sowing for more than 30 years.
There remains an urgent need for a decisive blow, through coordinated action from the working class—acting in the workplaces—to bring the regimes to their knees.
The regime in Algeria is also manoeuvring in a manner similar to deposed dictator Mubarak’s claims in 2011 that he “did not intend to run for election”. Bouteflika pledged to stay in power for a year and then hold early elections, prepare a new constitution and broad reforms.
The Algerian uprising has also destroyed the myth of the “Black Decade” (1992-2002). The regime has menaced the people for long years with the threat of repeating the horrors of that period in case of opposition to its continuation in power or a challenge to its rule.
Throughout that decade, the Algerian state waged a cruel war against factions associated with the Islamic Salvation Front. This was after the army cancelled the results of the parliamentary elections in 1991 in response to a clear victory by the Front.
The two uprisings have reached a stage where falling for the manoeuvres of the respective ruling classes will unleash vicious revenge by the regimes against their opponents.
Great popular uprisings are never born in a vacuum, but rather represent the fruits of years of tireless, hard struggles against the regimes.
In Sudan, the people never surrendered to El Bashir and his regime. Tens of thousands rose up in June and July of 2012 against the regime’s harsh economic policies. And in September 2013 protests spread in many Sudanese cities, which were met with brutal violence and the killing of around 200 protesters.
Demonstrations and strikes continued to pose a serious challenge for many years before the current uprising exploded.
In Algeria as well, there is a history of workers’ strikes which have built up for years. The most important of these have been the strikes involving tens of thousands of workers in health and education last year over wage policies.
Without these clouds gathering on the horizon over the past few years, the mass storms in Algeria and Sudan today would not be raging with such power and resilience.
Once again this confirms that popular uprisings require the accumulation of struggles in many battles over a long period, however limited these may seem at the time, and however elusive their victories. This is exactly what we need to see in Egypt today.
At the heart of the heroism and resilience of protesters in Sudan stands the “Sudanese Professionals Association”, consisting of eight trade union organisations. This leads demonstrations and strikes on a daily basis against El Bashir.
Meanwhile in Algeria some of the trade unions have begun to challenge the regime.
There is no doubt that massive popular marches in the two countries are playing a crucial role in the escalating challenge posed by the uprisings. Yet this kind of challenge is one which the regime can tolerate. There is a danger that it will continue to repress marches and demonstrations over long periods of time.
This is why the two uprisings need decisive intervention by major sections of the working class to stop the wheels of production through open-ended mass strikes. This would open up major fissures within the two regimes.
The steadfastness of the escalating mass rallies has forced the regimes to back down from more vicious responses. But there remains an urgent need for a decisive blow, through coordinated action from the working class—acting in the workplaces—to bring the regimes to their knees.
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