Leon Trotsky paints a brilliant portrait of the last tsar, Nicholas II, in his great History of the Russian Revolution. He treats Nicholas’s weakness, malice, and stupidity as symptoms of a decaying regime.
The old ones are sometimes the best. "Denial is not a river in Africa, but it is a state occupied by many eurozone politicians."
It was probably an advantage for Ed Miliband that people were a bit vague about exactly where he stood when he stood in last year’s Labour leadership election.
There are moments when the fundamental conflict defining capitalist society becomes visible for all to see. Athens on Wednesday of last week was one of them.
Barack Obama concluded his announcement that US forces had assassinated Osama Bin Laden by saying, "Tonight, we are once again reminded that America can do whatever we set our mind to."
Hardened boosters of capitalism must be tempted to dismiss the global economic and financial crisis as history.
Western intervention in Libya has exposed the extraordinary flux in relations among the great powers. In the first place, they’re badly split.
Leon Trotsky recalls in his memoirs that, immediately after the Russian Revolution of October 1917, Lenin said to him in German, "Es schwindelt"—"It makes one dizzy."
I hadn’t intended to respond to Laurie Penny’s reply (<a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/laurie-penny/2010/12/deregulating-resistance">A response to Alex Callinicos</a>) to my piece on Comment is Free (<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-protests-laurie-penny?showallcomments=true#comment-8939439">Student demonstrators can't do it on their own</a>), which in turn was a response to her original Guardian article, which appeared on Christmas Eve (<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/24/student-protests-young-politics-voices">Out with the old politics</a>). But there has been such a flurry of criticism and support all over Fa
John Maynard Keynes argued that one of the main reasons why capitalist economies are so unstable is because they are driven by investments that are essentially bets on an uncertain future. The present moment is one of peculiar uncertainty even by these standards.
"No more cliques, no more factions, no more soap opera," announced David Miliband in what proved to be his swansong at the Labour Party conference.
Vince Cable's assault on "spivs and gamblers" in the City may have won him a standing ovation at the Lib Dem conference, but it has caused outrage at the Daily Mail and in the Confederation of British Industry. Is it time for Marxists to welcome Comrade Cable to our ranks?
SPECULATION ABOUT the prospect of a double-dip recession has become almost obsessive in the financial markets. The US central bank, the Federal Reserve Board, is worried that the American economy might slip back into slump.
THREE YEARS ago this week the global financial crisis began. Back then it was called the "credit crunch" and seemed a bit quaint and obscure.
"The corollary of the big society is the smaller state. If you talk about the small state, people think you’re Attila the Hun. If you talk about the big society, people think you’re Mother Teresa."
In April 1951 US president Harry Truman sacked general of the army Douglas MacArthur, commander of the United Nations (UN) forces in Korea.
Remember all that stuff about how, in the era of globalisation, footloose capital can go where it likes and do what it likes? Apparently governments would elbow each other aside in their eagerness to do its will. Somehow I don’t think this is how it feels to Tony Hayward, chief executive of BP.
We live, we are constantly told, in a liberal pluralist society. Unlike the totalitarian states of Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia, information and ideas aren’t monolithically controlled from above in these societies.
The price of the so-called "rescue" of Greece is massive austerity for working people. This is coming up against resistance from the most militant working class in Europe.
In the full glare of publicity the three main parties jostle and manoeuvre over power. But, in the background, there is a much more fundamental assertion of power.