Downloading PDF. Please wait... Issue 3002

Will the Greens stay red?

Some Green Party officials want to water down its policies on immigration
Issue 3002
Zack Polanski speaking at the We Demand Change summit

Zack Polanski speaking at the We Demand Change summit last spring before he became Green Party leader (Picture: Guy Smallman)

The Green Party have inspired hundreds of thousands of people who are fed up with Keir Starmer and fearful of Reform UK.

While Labour collapses into trying to “out-racist” Nigel Farage, it’s inspiring to hear a force take on the lies about immigration. And while mainstream politicians claim “there is no alternative” to austerity, it’s refreshing to have Zack Polanski say he wants to tax the rich.

But the real tests begin as the Greens near office. And there were signs this week of the pressure the party is under to water‑down its “eco-populist” message.

In a recent interview with the Politico website, three party officials explained that they are preparing a policy review.

Two of them said the party’s immigration policy is earmarked for change. Currently, the Greens say it “wants to see a world without borders” while it would implement a “fair and humane system of managed migration” before then.

Polanski’s refusal to accept the lie that immigration is a problem has inspired so many to join and vote for the party. So what’s behind the worrying signs that the party might change tack?

The Greens were always a party of two halves—pitching as a left of Labour alternative in the cities, but as a greener version of the Lib Dems in rural areas. The party’s right wing is now keen to push back on some of Polanski’s radicalism.

Some of its officials are worried about how radical principles play in right wing media. “Right now, it’s like we’ve got a list of policies for the Daily Mail to ring us up about,” one said. They think that with the left vote sewn up, the party should now pivot rightwards to have more “mainstream appeal”.

The underlying pressure to moderate is rooted in the nature of electoralism—which sees change as coming primarily through winning votes. And, if you want to run the British state, you’re under pressure to show the establishment a safe pair of hands.

The Greens are already trying to reassure the bosses that it is a “responsible” potential party of government. One official described the Greens policies as “not a policy platform for government”.

This search for respectability pressures all left wing electoral projects. Your Party would have come under exactly the same pressures as the Greens. The closer a party is to office, the greater the pull.

If the Green Party wins councils, it will be tested even further. Will its councillors refuse to implement austerity? Or will they argue that cuts are the only realistic and sensible option?

For example, in Hackney, east London, the Greens could well win the council. As the housing and cost of living crises rage, more and more working class families are being priced out of the borough. This means there is a schools funding crisis, and councils are under pressure to merge or shut them.

How will the Greens respond? One way is to accept the rules of official politics and implement cuts and closures—however reluctantly. Another, more insurgent vision would see councillors rebelling to win more funding, standing on picket lines and protests and campaigning.

Trade unionists, socialists and campaigners will have to lead such fightbacks under Green-run councils—and call on Green Party councillors and members to be part of them.

We celebrate whenever Polanski gives Starmer or Farage a bloody nose. But we still need a socialist alternative that sees building struggles outside of electoral politics as key to winning change.

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